17.02.2005<\/p>\n
I.<\/p>\n
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YARATILI\u015eIN ESPR\u0130S\u0130N\u0130N FERD\u00ce planda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi, \u2018emanet\u2019i y\u00fcklenen insan\u0131n se\u00e7imine b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ve i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00e2inat\u0131n, \u2018e\u015fya\u2019n\u0131n, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da e\u015fya \u00fczerinde tecelli eden \u2018esm\u00e2\u2013i il\u00e2hiyye\u2019nin okunabilmesi i\u00e7in \u2018z\u0131tlar\u0131n cevel\u00e2ng\u00e2h\u0131\u2019 olarak yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, bunun bir i\u015faretidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc e\u015fya z\u0131dd\u0131yla bilinir. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e2lemlerin Rabbi s\u0131fat\u0131yla Allah\u2019\u0131n kel\u00e2m\u0131 olan Kur\u2019\u00e2n da \u2018imtihan\u2019 esprisini iman-k\u00fcf\u00fcr z\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine oturtur. N\u00fcb\u00fcvvet silsilesi de ilk insandan son peygambere kadar insanlar\u0131 \u2018do\u011fru s\u00f6z\u2019 \u00fczerinde birle\u015fmeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130nsan\u00ee duygu ve h\u00e2ssalar\u0131n hem \u2018iyi,\u2019 hem de \u2018k\u00f6t\u00fc\u2019ye meyilli \u015fekilde yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, insan\u2013Allah ili\u015fkisini ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla varl\u0131k d\u00fczlemindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn ili\u015fkileri tan\u0131mlamada be\u015fer\u00ee iradenin tercihini \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131r. Tercihin oldu\u011fu yerde farkl\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Aksi takdirde, tercih yerini \u2018dayatma\u2019ya b\u0131rak\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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\u201cDinde zorlama yoktur\u201d h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, \u2018din\u2019in insan\u2013Allah, insan\u2013k\u00e2inat, ve insan\u2013insan ili\u015fkilerini tan\u0131mlayan bir de\u011ferler ve normlar manzumesi oldu\u011funu unutmamak gerekir. \u00d6yleyse, \u0130sl\u00e2m toplumunda ferd\u00ee ve cemaat\u00ee planda farkl\u0131 inan\u00e7 ve hayat tarzlar\u0131n\u0131n birarada bulunmas\u0131, \u0130sl\u00e2m toplumunun be\u015fer\u00ee tercihlerin olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitlilikleri yans\u0131tmas\u0131 beklenir. Ki, \u00fcmmetlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Kur\u2019\u00e2n taraf\u0131ndan tescili, \u0130sl\u00e2m toplumlar\u0131nda sosyo\u2013k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fu ya\u015fatman\u0131n en temel dayana\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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Tarih boyunca, \u0130sl\u00e2m toplumlar\u0131nda sosyo\u2013k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fun siyas\u00ee tek\u00e7ilikle birarada bulundu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. <\/p>\n
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Soru \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k: Siyas\u00ee tek\u00e7ilikle k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7o\u011fulculuk aras\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir ili\u015fki vard\u0131r? K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fun ya\u015fat\u0131labilmesi siyas\u00ee otoriteryenli\u011fin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131 gerekli k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r?<\/p>\n
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K\u00fclt\u00fcrel a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00e7o\u011fulcu olan bir yap\u0131n\u0131n, ortak insan davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenlemenin arac\u0131 olan siyasette tek\u00e7i bir yap\u0131y\u0131 gerektirmesi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. \u00d6yleyse, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7o\u011fulculukla siyas\u00ee tek\u00e7ilik aras\u0131nda bir \u2018illiyet rab\u0131tas\u0131\u2019 aramak yerine, bunu bir \u2018iktiran\u2019 olarak de\u011ferlendirmek san\u0131r\u0131m daha yerinde olur.<\/p>\n
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\u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n ya\u015fanan tarihi, kendi \u2018tarihsellik\u2019lerini olu\u015fturmak durumunda olan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir referans kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak, cemaat toplumunun geride kald\u0131\u011f\u0131, her inan\u00e7tan insan\u0131n cemaat\u00ee de\u011fil, ferd\u00ee \u00f6l\u00e7ekte birarada ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplum fertlerinin her bak\u0131mdan olabildi\u011fince farkl\u0131la\u015f\u0131rken \u2018kitle toplumu\u2019 ve \u2018kitle k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn nesnesi haline geldi\u011fi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n y\u00fczy\u00fcze oldu\u011fu sorular, d\u00fcnden farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Farkl\u0131 sorulara yeni ve yeterli cevaplar\u0131n \u00fcretilmesi ihtiyac\u0131, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n \u2018kitle insan\u0131\u2019n\u0131 mobilize etme d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda fonksiyonu bulunmayan sloganlar\u0131 b\u0131rakarak cidd\u00ee bir fikir hamlesi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmelerini gerekli k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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II.<\/p>\n
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\u0130sl\u00e2m, siyas\u00ee \u00e7o\u011fulculuk \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir engel de\u011fildir. \u0130sl\u00e2m tarihindeki siyas\u00ee yap\u0131lar\u0131 sadece \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019a mal etmek, ortodoks Marksistlerin son tahlilde her\u015feyi iktisad\u00ee \u00e7\u0131kara irca eden yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndan metodik olarak farkl\u0131 de\u011fildir. Her d\u00f6nemde M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 kendi \u2018tarihsellikleri\u2019 i\u00e7inde anlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Erol G\u00fcng\u00f6r\u2019\u00fcn de isabetle belirtti\u011fi gibi, dinin nasslara getirdi\u011fi yorumlar de\u011fi\u015fir. Tefsirdeki her\u015fey tefsirden olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, her tefsir kendi d\u00f6neminin \u015fartlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde anlam kazan\u0131r. Tarih bug\u00fcne ta\u015f\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi, tekrar ya\u015fanamaz da.<\/p>\n
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III.<\/p>\n
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\u0130ran Devrimi sonras\u0131nda geli\u015fen \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee ak\u0131mlar\u0131n \u2018eylem\u2019i vurgulamalar\u0131 ve anti-emperyalizmi \u2018cihad\u2019 kavram\u0131na y\u00fckleyerek d\u00fcnya g\u00fcndemine oturmalar\u0131, d\u00fcnyev\u00eele\u015fmi\u015f dima\u011flarda \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n silahla ve elbette ter\u00f6rle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Ha\u00e7l\u0131 ruhunu \u015fuuralt\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131yan Bat\u0131 d\u00fcnyas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar geli\u015ftirmek hi\u00e7 de zor de\u011fildi. \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee ter\u00f6r\u2019 bu \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131 peki\u015ftirdi. \u2018Kara \u00e7ar\u015fafl\u0131\u2019 kad\u0131nlar ve \u2018\u00e7ember sakall\u0131\u2019 erkekler M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kad\u0131n ve erkek imaj\u0131n\u0131n \u2018d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yoksulu\u2019 militan tiplere indirgenmesinde fazlas\u0131yla etkili oldu.<\/p>\n
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1990\u2019lara gelindi\u011finde, \u0130ran Devriminin \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki etkileri durulurken, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar bu \u2018devrim\u2019in kimli\u011fini te\u015fhiste epeyce mesafe ald\u0131lar. Orta Asya\u2019dan Kuzey Afrika\u2019ya, hatta Endonezya\u2019ya kadar uzanan geni\u015f co\u011frafyada geli\u015fen yeni \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee hareketlerin tercihi art\u0131k \u2018kur\u015fun\u2019 de\u011fil, \u2018oy\u2019 olmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Orta Asya Cumhuriyetlerinin tamam\u0131nda gayriresm\u00ee olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee R\u00f6nesans Partisi,\u2019 b\u00f6lge M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n oyunun demokratik kurallar i\u00e7inde oynanmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettiklerinin bir i\u015fareti. Kuzey Afrika\u2019daki durum da bundan farkl\u0131 de\u011fil. Tunus\u2019ta Ra\u015fid el\u2013Gannu\u015f\u00ee liderli\u011findeki Nahda (\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee Y\u00f6neli\u015f) hareketi, 1989\u2019daki se\u00e7imlerden \u00f6nce, y\u00f6netimde \u00e7ok-partili demokrasiye sadakati ihtiva eden bir \u2018Mill\u00ee Misak\u2019 imzalad\u0131. Buna ra\u011fmen, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee R\u00f6nesans Partisine yasal stat\u00fc tan\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, Nahda hareketi de illegal bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye devam etti. Nihayet, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fulcu formdaki ifadesi Cezayir\u2019de a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde engellendi. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n anlam\u0131, asl\u0131nda 11 Eyl\u00fcl sonras\u0131nda Bat\u0131n\u0131n \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 problematize etme bi\u00e7imiyle netlik kazanm\u0131\u015f durumda. \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle iktidar ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde kavrayan anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n otoriter versiyonu \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019a siyasal, hatta toplumsal alanda hayat hakk\u0131 tan\u0131mak istemezken; demokratik versiyonu az\u0131nl\u0131kta kalmas\u0131 ve muhalefette dola\u015fmas\u0131 \u015fart\u0131yla \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 tolere etmekte, ancak iktidar potansiyelinin demokratik s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde somutla\u015fma belirtileri g\u00f6stermesi halinde bunu kesinlikle bast\u0131rma yolunu tercih etmektedir. Bu bak\u0131mdan, Bat\u0131n\u0131n demokratik \u00e7o\u011fulculuk anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 sahte, sinik ve ahl\u00e2k-d\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee hareketlerin oyunun demokratik kurallar\u0131n\u0131 benimsemeleri ve buna sad\u0131k kalmalar\u0131, yani se\u00e7imle gelip se\u00e7imle gitme ilkesine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131mamaktad\u0131r. \u0130ktidar, bu hareketlerle payla\u015f\u0131lamayacak kadar de\u011ferlidir ve sadece kendileri aras\u0131nda dola\u015f\u0131ma a\u00e7\u0131k olan bir zenginliktir. Refahyol tecr\u00fcbesi T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6rne\u011finde bunun a\u00e7\u0131k bir yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
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IV.<\/p>\n
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M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar, Bat\u0131n\u0131n onalt\u0131nc\u0131 ve onyedinci y\u00fczy\u0131llarda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcreci \u015fimdilerde ya\u015f\u0131yor. \u0130sl\u00e2m d\u00fcnya g\u00fcndeminde \u2018tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 bir g\u00fc\u00e7\u2019 olarak var olmaya devam ederken, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n kendilerini \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir formda ifade etme aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Ancak, hem M\u00fcsl\u00fcman toplumlar\u0131n kendi i\u00e7inden, hem de d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyadan bu aray\u0131\u015fa y\u00f6nelen \u2018tehditler,\u2019 bu s\u00fcreci aksat\u0131yor. \u0130sl\u00e2m, George Bush\u2019un Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczenine kar\u015f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck meydan okuma arac\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiriliyordu. Huntington\u2019un medeniyetler, daha a\u00e7\u0131k ifadesiyle din\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcrler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma tezi, 11 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019den sonra ABD ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin k\u00fcresel kaynaklara h\u00fckmetme arac\u0131 olarak \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee tehdit\u2019 enstr\u00fcman\u0131na ba\u015fvurmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. K\u00fcresel yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kendisini hakl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in bir \u2018tehdit\u2019 \u00fcretmek zorundayd\u0131 ve bunun i\u00e7in \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee tehdit\u2019 s\u00f6yleminden daha kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 bir s\u00f6ylem mevcut de\u011fildi. \u0130ktidar kayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n harekete ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi haris, tamahk\u00e2r, ben-merkezli ve zalim Bat\u0131l\u0131 \u015fiddet cihaz\u0131n\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u015fekillenen \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee tehdit\u2019 efsanesi, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2013Bat\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fc\u011fe itmektedir. Oysa, farkl\u0131 dillerde kendisini ifade eden bu iki paradigman\u0131n aras\u0131nda diyalog kurulmas\u0131, bu dillerin birbirine \u00e7evrilebilir hale getirilmesi, \u2018patolojik\u2019 bir \u2018sa\u011f\u0131rlar diyalogu\u2019nu \u2018empatik\u2019 bir alg\u0131lamaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in zarur\u00eedir.<\/p>\n
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V.<\/p>\n
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1991 sonbahar\u0131nda BM Genel Kurulunda konu\u015fan George Bush, \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu: \u201cHer yerde insanlar halk i\u00e7in halk\u0131n y\u00f6netimini ar\u0131yor; h\u00fcrriyet, m\u00fclkiyet ve ferde ili\u015fkin vazge\u00e7ilmez haklar\u0131n\u0131 istiyor.\u201d Birle\u015fik Devletler, Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeninde, bu haklar\u0131n d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde garant\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstleniyor. Vaad edilen, \u00fcst bir otoritenin yoklu\u011fundan kaynaklanan devletler aras\u0131 sistemdeki \u2018anar\u015fik\u2019 durumu \u2018d\u00fczen\u2019e d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektir. Belki de ilk defa moral de\u011ferlere dayal\u0131 bir \u2018milletler aras\u0131 toplum\u2019 iste\u011finin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme \u015fans\u0131 do\u011fuyor. Ancak bu moral zemin, Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeninin ger\u00e7ekte kaotik bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirme s\u00fcrecinin ambalaj\u0131 oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131nca, Huntington gibi s\u00f6zc\u00fclerinin dilinde \u2018medeniyetler \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u2019 eksenine oturunca, yitip gitti. \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131n Bat\u0131yla ili\u015fkisi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmez bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011fa indirgenerek, k\u00fcresel demokratikle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin \u201cdemokrasi eksi \u0130sl\u00e2m\u201d form\u00fclasyonuna do\u011fru evrilmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bunun yans\u0131malar\u0131 11 Eyl\u00fcl milad\u0131ndan sonra iyice somutla\u015ft\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan 27 \u015eubat darbesine ABD ve \u0130srail\u2019in aktif destek vermesi, se\u00e7imle gelen bir h\u00fck\u00fbmete \u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee y\u00f6nelimli bir partinin koalisyonun b\u00fcy\u00fck orta\u011f\u0131 olmas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden tahamm\u00fcl edememesi, yine ABD ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin Sudan\u2019\u0131n Darfur b\u00f6lgesindeki insanl\u0131k trajedisini petrol rant\u0131na el koyman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 haline getirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, n\u00fckleer bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011fu g\u00f6rmezden gelinen \u0130srail\u2019e her \u015fartta destek verenlerin M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00fclkeler s\u00f6zkonusu oldu\u011funda kitle imha silahlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnya bar\u0131\u015f\u0131na tehdit olu\u015fturdu\u011fu tezini kullanarak bunu s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci m\u00fcdahalelerin sebebi olarak kullanmalar\u0131, k\u0131sacas\u0131 11 Eyl\u00fcl sonras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan t\u00fcm geli\u015fmeler, iktidar dilinin \u2018do\u011fal\u2019 tezah\u00fcrleridir.<\/p>\n
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Hayat\u0131 \u2018iktidar\u2019 temelinde ele alan ve k\u00e2inat\u0131 insan\u0131n insanla ve mevcudatla m\u00fccadele alan\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren zihniyetin, \u0130sl\u00e2m\u2019\u0131 da m\u00fcnhas\u0131ran \u2018iktidar ili\u015fkileri\u2019 i\u00e7inde ele almas\u0131, Bat\u0131y\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak \u2018polis devletleri\u2019ni \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee demokrasi\u2019ye tercih etmeye itmektedir. A\u011f\u0131r aksak demokratik s\u00fcreci i\u015fletmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken Bat\u0131yla ili\u015fkileri gerginle\u015fen, otoriter ve son derece dejenere bir hanedan\u0131n y\u00f6netimindeki Suud\u00ee polis devletinde \u015feriat\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 ABD\u2019yi rahats\u0131z etmemektedir. ABD\u2019nin stratejik iktidar \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uygun hareket etti\u011fi s\u00fcrece, \u00fclkelerin rejimleri, ili\u015fkileri belirleyici olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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Merkezinde ABD, \u0130ngiltere ve \u0130srail\u2019in yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00e7evresinde AB \u00fclkelerinin s\u0131raland\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00fcresel s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirme s\u00fcrecinde \u0130sl\u00e2m ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara dair olan her\u015feyde ya\u015fanan, \u2018hikmet\u2019 ve \u2018iktidar\u2019\u0131n m\u00fccadelesidir. \u0130ktidar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, onun ba\u015ftan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131c\u0131 cazibesine kap\u0131lmay\u0131p \u2018hikmet\u2019i koruyanlar, y\u00fczlerine t\u00fck\u00fcrenlere tepkilerini \u2018ihlas s\u00fczgecinden\u2019 ge\u00e7irerek ortaya koyabilenler, bu yolda, ma\u011flup dahi olsalar galiptirler.<\/p>\n
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17.02.2005 I. YARATILI\u015eIN ESPR\u0130S\u0130N\u0130N FERD\u00ce planda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi, \u2018emanet\u2019i y\u00fcklenen insan\u0131n se\u00e7imine b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ve i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00e2inat\u0131n, \u2018e\u015fya\u2019n\u0131n, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da e\u015fya \u00fczerinde tecelli eden \u2018esm\u00e2\u2013i il\u00e2hiyye\u2019nin okunabilmesi i\u00e7in \u2018z\u0131tlar\u0131n cevel\u00e2ng\u00e2h\u0131\u2019 olarak yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, bunun bir i\u015faretidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc e\u015fya z\u0131dd\u0131yla bilinir. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e2lemlerin Rabbi s\u0131fat\u0131yla Allah\u2019\u0131n kel\u00e2m\u0131 olan Kur\u2019\u00e2n da \u2018imtihan\u2019 esprisini iman-k\u00fcf\u00fcr z\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[204],"class_list":["post-90072","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-yazarlar"],"yoast_head":"\n