02.01.2004<\/p>\n
RAD\u0130KAL\u2019DEN M\u0130NE G. Saulnier uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r Paris\u2019te ya\u015fayan bir gazeteci. Bir askerin k\u0131z\u0131 olan Saulnier epeydir Radikal\u2019de kapatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6\u015fede y\u00fczy\u0131llar\u0131n \u0131skartaya \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131 koku\u015fmu\u015f mallar\u0131 pazarlamakla me\u015fgul. Klasik ve modern Oryantalizmin \u0130slam\u2019a ili\u015fkin olarak \u00fcretip dola\u015f\u0131ma soktu\u011fu ne kadar pe\u015fin kal\u0131p, yafta, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lama ya da alaya dayal\u0131 ambalaj varsa, bunlar\u0131 k\u0131rp\u0131p k\u0131rp\u0131p y\u0131ld\u0131z yaparak ekme\u011fini dev\u015firiyor. Saulnier\u2019in alamet-i farikas\u0131 M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kad\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 her vesileyle ortaya koydu\u011fu onulmaz kini ve yat\u0131\u015fmaz nefreti. Bir siyasi ideoloji de\u011fil bir din olarak \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda kendisine yel de\u011firmeni olarak se\u00e7en, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n \u00fcz\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc her \u015feye zil takarak sevinen bu kad\u0131n, Fransa\u2019da Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Chirac\u2019\u0131n tetikledi\u011fi t\u00fcrban yasa\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nerisinin tabii ki en hararetli savunucular\u0131ndan. Peki, Fransa\u2019daki t\u00fcrban tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, ger\u00e7ekte neyin tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131? <\/p>\n
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Tarihsel tecr\u00fcbe a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Fransa laik ve milli devletin anavatan\u0131. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Cumhuriyet olarak bilinen 1870-1941 aras\u0131ndaki uzun d\u00f6nemde, Fransa dindarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 su\u00e7 saym\u0131\u015f, ibadet i\u00e7in Kiliseye gitmeyi kamu g\u00f6revinden at\u0131lma sebebi olarak g\u00f6ren steril bir din kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 devlet politikas\u0131 olarak uygulam\u0131\u015f bir \u00fclke. 1789 Frans\u0131z Devriminden sonra g\u00fcnl\u00fck hayat\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne el atan devrimciler, bizde Kemalistlerin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, dine at\u0131fla te\u015fekk\u00fcl etmi\u015f her \u015feyi de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bizim \u201claik\u201d takvim olarak benimsedi\u011fimiz Gregoryen takvimini devrimciler H\u0131ristiyan takvimi olarak niteleyip kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, tarihi devrimle ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015f, ay ve g\u00fcnlerin isimlerini de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f, hatta selamla\u015fmay\u0131 bile d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015flerdi. \u00dcnl\u00fc Dreyfus olay\u0131n\u0131n bir komplo oldu\u011funun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131, bu \u00fclkede Yahudili\u011fin g\u00fcnah ke\u00e7isi olma konumunu de\u015fifre etmi\u015f, 1905\u2019te benimsenen laiklik ilkesi, devrimin beraberinde getirdi\u011fi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 din kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 t\u00f6rp\u00fcleyici bir fonksiyon ifa etmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n
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Fransa\u2019da siyaset b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle devrimin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 safla\u015fmalar etraf\u0131nda bi\u00e7imlenmi\u015f olup, bug\u00fcn de bu devam etmektedir. Frans\u0131z siyasetinin en ate\u015fli konusu din e\u011fitimi konusudur. Mitterand d\u00f6neminde din e\u011fitimine devletin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 mali deste\u011fin s\u00fcrmesini isteyenler de, buna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar da, milyonlar\u0131 meydanlara toplayan kitlesel g\u00f6steriler yapm\u0131\u015flar, sonunda Mittterand\u2019\u0131n sosyalist h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesinde s\u00f6z vermesine ra\u011fmen, devletin Katolik okullardaki \u00f6\u011fretmen maa\u015flar\u0131na sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 mali katk\u0131y\u0131 kald\u0131rmaya cesaret edememi\u015ftir. Asimilasyoncu e\u015fitli\u011fe dayal\u0131 laik\u2013milli devletin proto-tipi olan Fransa, bu bak\u0131mdan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fa modern Bat\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce gelene\u011fi i\u00e7inde en uzak duran \u00fclkelerden biri olmu\u015ftur. Farkl\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmeye engel olarak g\u00f6rmeyen, dinin bireysel ve toplumsal yans\u0131malar\u0131na da, din d\u0131\u015f\u0131 davran\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imlerine tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 me\u015fruluk de\u011ferinin ayn\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 atfeden Anglo-Saxon gelene\u011finden farkl\u0131 olarak, Fransa k\u00fclt\u00fcrel homojenli\u011fi vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da vatanda\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131n\u0131 kullanman\u0131n olmazsa olmaz \u015fart\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmeye devam etmektedir. Bu bak\u0131mdan bu \u00fclkede ya\u015fayan ve yar\u0131s\u0131 vatanda\u015fl\u0131k stat\u00fcs\u00fcne sahip olan 8 milyon civar\u0131ndaki M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u0131n, Frans\u0131z laik-milli de\u011ferlerine \u00f6z\u00fcmsenmesi, Frans\u0131z egemen g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin form\u00fcle etti\u011fi entegrasyon probleminin esas\u0131d\u0131r. Ki\u015filerin de\u011fer yarg\u0131lar\u0131 ve davran\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imleri ancak Frans\u0131z laik-milli dininin de\u011ferleriyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece hukuki ve me\u015frudur. Bu tutumun, mesela \u0130ran\u2019da ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc zorunlu k\u0131lan tutumdan yakla\u015f\u0131m olarak herhangi bir fark\u0131 yoktur. <\/p>\n
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Avrupa Birli\u011fi Konvansiyonunun Avrupa medeniyetinin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel de\u011ferler aras\u0131nda H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 telaffuz edip etmemesi konusu, in\u015fa halindeki bir medeniyet tasavvurunun yol ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcm demokrasi lafazanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Avrupa k\u00fclt\u00fcrel olarak H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekte, bu bak\u0131mdan \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fulculuk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin samimili\u011fi ve reelli\u011fi i\u00e7in bir test olmaktad\u0131r. Alain Touraine gibi bir sosyologun bile Stasi Komisyonunun \u00f6nerilerinin alt\u0131na imzas\u0131n\u0131 koymas\u0131, post-modern tezlerin \u0130slam s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda ve elde tutulan iktidar\u0131n ask\u0131da tutulan iktidara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme ihtimali belirdi\u011finde geriye tepti\u011fini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n
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Evet, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de oldu\u011fu gibi Avrupa\u2019da da \u201ct\u00fcrban\u201d hikmet-iktidar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n turnusolu olacak gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Soru bir defa soruldu mu, bunun sorulmam\u0131\u015f farzedilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. T\u00fcrban tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 yeni Avrupa tasavvurunun reel ve samimi bir \u00e7o\u011fulculuk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine ula\u015fmas\u0131na hizmet edebilir. G\u00fcncelin karanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bizi ondan ka\u00e7maya g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemeli, ancak ufkumuzu da g\u00fcncel olana hapsetmemelidir. <\/p>\n
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<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
02.01.2004 RAD\u0130KAL\u2019DEN M\u0130NE G. Saulnier uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r Paris\u2019te ya\u015fayan bir gazeteci. Bir askerin k\u0131z\u0131 olan Saulnier epeydir Radikal\u2019de kapatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6\u015fede y\u00fczy\u0131llar\u0131n \u0131skartaya \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131 koku\u015fmu\u015f mallar\u0131 pazarlamakla me\u015fgul. Klasik ve modern Oryantalizmin \u0130slam\u2019a ili\u015fkin olarak \u00fcretip dola\u015f\u0131ma soktu\u011fu ne kadar pe\u015fin kal\u0131p, yafta, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lama ya da alaya dayal\u0131 ambalaj varsa, bunlar\u0131 k\u0131rp\u0131p k\u0131rp\u0131p y\u0131ld\u0131z yaparak ekme\u011fini […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":27,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[182],"class_list":["post-89656","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-yazarlar"],"yoast_head":"\n