{"id":84703,"date":"2025-02-25T17:50:47","date_gmt":"2025-02-25T17:50:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.karakalem.avrupabelge.com\/karakalem\/?p=84703"},"modified":"2025-02-25T17:50:47","modified_gmt":"2025-02-25T17:50:47","slug":"ahmet-yildiz-ile-soylesi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.karakalem.avrupabelge.com\/karakalem\/ahmet-yildiz-ile-soylesi\/","title":{"rendered":"Ahmet Y\u0131ld\u0131z ile s\u00f6yle\u015fi…"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u201c\u0130ktidar koltu\u011fundaki din, din olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d<\/b><\/h3>\n

1. \u201cEski ve Yeni \u0130slamc\u0131lar Said Nursi’nin aktivizmine se\u00e7meci bir sempati beslediler; alim\/d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak ise Said Nursi onlar i\u00e7in hep ‘evdeki’ yabanc\u0131 oldu.\u201d diyorsunuz. Bu yabanc\u0131l\u0131k hi\u00e7 kimsenin ortada olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde Bedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131n cesurca konu\u015ftu\u011fu bilhassa Kemalist d\u00f6nemindeki \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n suskunlu\u011funun getirdi\u011fi h\u0131n\u00e7 ve utan\u00e7tan kaynaklan\u0131yor olabilir mi?<\/b><\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemindeki \u0130slami duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u00f6klerine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda kar\u015f\u0131n\u0131za ilk \u00e7\u0131kan ki\u015fi Said Nursi\u2019dir. Bu hikayenin Said Nursi d\u0131\u015far\u0131da tutularak ya da yok say\u0131larak yaz\u0131lmas\u0131na imkan yok. Tek Parti d\u00f6nemi \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Kemalist rejime kar\u015f\u0131 iki ana tutum benimsedi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Birinci tutum, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 eve, kem g\u00f6zlerden uzak mahrem alanlara ta\u015f\u0131yarak hayatta tutmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakt\u0131. Devletin istedi\u011fi \u0130slam buydu ve \u00e7o\u011funluk buna uymak zorunda kald\u0131. Bu tavr\u0131n se\u00e7kinler d\u00fczeyindeki karakteristik \u00f6rne\u011fi, t\u00fcm \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cev\u201d i\u00e7inde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren Elmal\u0131l\u0131 Hamdi Yaz\u0131r\u2019d\u0131r. Bir istisna olu\u015fturan K\u00fcrt \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n milliyet\u00e7ilikle kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k ba\u015fkald\u0131rma giri\u015fimi ise Kemalist rejimin kendisini tahkim etmesi ve siyasi alan\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle domine etmesiyle sonu\u00e7land\u0131. \u0130slamc\u0131 se\u00e7kinlerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ise \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 tercih etti. Milli M\u00fccadele d\u00f6neminin halk hatibi, milletvekili ve \u0130stiklal Mar\u015f\u0131 \u015fairi Mehmet Akif M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da nefes alabildi ve Kemalist rejime a\u00e7\u0131k bir muhalefetten sak\u0131nd\u0131. 150\u2019liklerden Mustafa Sabri ise muhalefetini siyasi d\u00fczeyde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrse de, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 tarafgir\/partizan siyasi bagaj\u0131, etkisini \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde s\u0131n\u0131rlad\u0131. Bedi\u00fczzaman ise \u201cm\u00fcsbet hareket\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi, hem ihyay\u0131 hem de \u0131slah\u0131 i\u00e7eren sessiz ama aktif bir yeniden yap\u0131lanma s\u00fcrecini y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc. Devletin bask\u0131lar\u0131na boyun e\u011fmedi ama bunu legal ve me\u015fru zeminini kaybetmeden yapt\u0131. G\u00fcncel siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7ler ve pozisyonlar \u00fczerinden Said Nursi\u2019ye bakanlar, O\u2019nda kendilerini do\u011frulay\u0131c\u0131 bir projeksiyon g\u00f6remediklerinde uzakla\u015fmay\u0131 tercih ettiler. Kanaatimce Risale \u00fczerinden batini kurtulu\u015f projeleri \u00fcreten hareketlerin bu kadar kolay alan bulmas\u0131nda bu ara\u00e7salc\u0131, empatik k\u00f6rl\u00fckle malul, maslahat\u00e7\u0131 ve ben-merkezli \u201c\u0130slamc\u0131\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n da \u00f6nemli bir pay\u0131 var.<\/p>\n

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2. Nurcular\u0131n Said Nursi’yi anlamakta embriyonik d\u00fczeyde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorsunuz. Bunu biraz a\u00e7ar m\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z?<\/b><\/p>\n

Nurcular Risale metinlerini esas itibariyle ir\u015fad metinleri olarak okuduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirel ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce atmosferi yakalayamad\u0131lar. Metinlerin iman, ahlak, toplum ve siyaset d\u00fczeylerindeki yorumlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fulcu anlamalara kapat\u0131p, me\u015frep dogmatizmine yaslanarak, Risale tefekk\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc tabiattaki hadiselerin mana-y\u0131 harfi \u00fczerinden anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ile s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rd\u0131lar. Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 toplumsal ve siyasi olaylara, \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir okuma \u00fczerinden, ta\u015f\u0131yamad\u0131lar. Bu metinlerin tasavvuf ve kelam gelene\u011fi ile ili\u015fkisini bu geleneklere n\u00fcfuz etmeden sathi bir \u015fekilde kurdular; modern d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce gelenekleri \u00fczerinden yapt\u0131klar\u0131 okumada da ayn\u0131 sathili\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcler. Mesela, demokrasiyi savunur g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrken asl\u0131nda demokrasi etraf\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fmalardan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle bihaberdiler. Pop\u00fclizmi ise hi\u00e7 anlamad\u0131lar. Anlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z \u015feye ili\u015fkin ne kadar \u201csa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131\u201d pozisyon olu\u015fturabilirsiniz? Ne gelene\u011fe ne de moderne n\u00fcfuz etmeden, Risale metinleri i\u00e7in \u201ckutsal bir konum\u201d belirlediler ve orada kald\u0131lar. Risale gelene\u011fi alim ve entelekt\u00fcel damar\u0131 son derece zay\u0131f bir gelenektir. Risale gruplar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019a sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda hizmet edenlere g\u00f6re ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, bu a\u00e7\u0131dan ilgin\u00e7 bir veridir. Muhabbet g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn yerini ak\u0131l g\u00f6z\u00fcne b\u0131rakmas\u0131, Risalenin skolastik bir okuma bi\u00e7imi yerine tahkiki bir okuma bi\u00e7imiyle okunmas\u0131na imkan verebilir.<\/p>\n

3. Kitab\u0131n\u0131zda \u201c\u0130nsan\u0131n anlam aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 iktidarla de\u011fil hakikatle s\u00fckun bulabilir.\u201d derken Bedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131n Hamidiyen bir paranteze al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u015fikayet ediyorsunuz. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bu tutumun\/tehlikenin devam etti\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebilir miyiz?<\/b><\/p>\n

Sultan Abdulhamid \u201cbeka siyaseti\u201d olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz siyaset anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sembol isimlerinden biridir. M\u00fclk\u00fcn devam\u0131 ve memleketin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn muhafazas\u0131n\u0131 mottola\u015ft\u0131ran bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, bu amaca ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in, ittihad-\u0131 islam siyasetini benimsemi\u015f, bu siyaseti de sultan\u0131n iktidar\u0131nda tecess\u00fcm ettirmi\u015fti. Bu ama\u00e7, Sultana halife s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak dinin m\u00fceyyidelendirdi\u011fi bir liderlik konumu atfediyor, Sultan\u0131n siyasi yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na muhalefet \u015eer-i \u015eerife muhalefet olarak etiketleniyordu. \u0130ktidar-muhalefet ili\u015fkilerinin sadakat-ihanet ekseni \u00fczerine oturtulmas\u0131, muhalif ve ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve yakla\u015f\u0131mlara siyaset alan\u0131n\u0131 kapat\u0131yordu. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman d\u00fcnyadaki tek\u00e7i-otoriter siyasi gelene\u011fin Emevi ve Abbasilerde de g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz klasik yap\u0131s\u0131, dinin ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin iktidar\u0131 elinde bulunduranlar\u0131n tensibine g\u00f6re bi\u00e7imlenmesini yans\u0131t\u0131r. Abdulhamid de bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 benimsedi. Kendisininkinden farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bi\u00e7imlerini ve siyasi muhalefeti gayr\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Dini de buna g\u00f6re yorumlad\u0131 ve farkl\u0131 yorum sahiplerini r\u00fc\u015fvet ya da sopa yoluyla bast\u0131rma yoluna gitti. Bedi\u00fczzaman ise \u0130slam\u0131 iktidar \u00fczerinden de\u011fil M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tevhid ve adalet ihtiyac\u0131 \u00fczerinden konumland\u0131rd\u0131 ve Abdulhamid\u2019in tek\u00e7ili\u011fine ve otoritarizmine bu y\u00fczden itiraz etti. \u201cDini Allah\u2019a has k\u0131lmak\u201d \u015feklindeki ayetten hareketle, hakk\u0131n hat\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 her \u015feyin \u00fczerinde tutma kayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 referans ald\u0131. \u0130ronik olan \u015fu ki, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n takip\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131 Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131 Abdulhamid\u00e7i bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla bar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 ve onu Abdulhamid \u00e7izgisine uydurmay\u0131 tercih etti. \u0130slam, iktidar parantezi \u00fczerinden de\u011fil insan\u0131n hakikat pe\u015findeki evrensel \u201ckemal\u201d aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na bir cevap olu\u015fturdu\u011funda vicdanlara dokunabilir ve ak\u0131llar\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irebilirken, tersi durumda siyasetin kirli dehlizlerinde insan\u0131 aldatan c\u0131l\u0131z bir \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febiliyor. Pakistan, Malezya, \u0130ran, Sudan, T\u00fcrkiye ve Afganistan \u00f6rnekleri kanaatimce bu konuda bize yeterli bir veri seti sunuyor.<\/p>\n

\"\"4. Said Nursi\u2019nin K\u00f6\u015fe Ta\u015flar\u0131\u2019nda \u201cBedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131n M\u00fcnazarat’\u0131 demokratik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce tarihinin paha bi\u00e7ilmez klasiklerinden biridir.\u201d diyorsunuz. B\u00f6yle muazzam \u00f6zellikteki bir kitap bug\u00fcne kadar neden g\u00f6rmezden gelindi?<\/b><\/p>\n

Bizden olan\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseme ve s\u0131radan g\u00f6rme T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki \u0130slamc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin hakim niteliklerinden biridir. \u015eimdilerde bu de\u011fi\u015fiyor gibi olsa da, , kli\u015feler \u00fczerinden okuma yapma, etnik siyasetin kampla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 etkisi, \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n partizan alg\u0131s\u0131 ve milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerinden d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, sek\u00fcler kesimlerin Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131 irrasyonel bir tav\u0131rla Cumhuriyet kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir ba\u011fnaz parantezine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 ve Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n takip\u00e7ilerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00fcretmekten \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00fcretimini belli \u015fablonlara hapsetme yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, M\u00fcnazarat gibi bir eserin Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye modernle\u015fmesini anlamada sahip oldu\u011fu \u00f6nemin g\u00f6r\u00fclmesini engelledi.<\/p>\n

5. Risale-i Nur’un anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 yerle\u015fik \u00e7\u0131kar ve iktidar ili\u015fkilerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak de\u011ferlendirilmez derken neyi kastediyorsunuz?<\/b><\/p>\n

Risale-i Nur metinlerini anlayan \u00f6zneler olarak insanlar kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u011flamlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden metne muhatap olurlar. Bu y\u00fczden ayn\u0131 metin farkl\u0131 ki\u015filer taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde anla\u015f\u0131labilir. Metinlerin anla\u015f\u0131lma bi\u00e7imleri ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak i\u00e7inde ya\u015fan\u0131lan d\u00f6nemin anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve bilgi d\u00fczeyini yans\u0131t\u0131r. Bu anla\u015f\u0131lma bi\u00e7imini tayin eden en \u00f6nemli fakt\u00f6rlerden biri de yerle\u015fik \u00e7\u0131kar ve iktidar ili\u015fkileridir. Tek Parti d\u00f6neminin sava\u015f \u015fartlar\u0131nda, Demokrat Partinin kurucu liderlerinin de yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Tan Gazetesine y\u00f6nelik olarak CHP\u2019nin kurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 matbaa bask\u0131n\u0131na ili\u015fkin Tarih\u00e7e\u2019de yer alan mektup bunun a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Keza, kom\u00fcnizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin kendisine Nurcu \u00e7evrelerde me\u015fruiyet alan\u0131 a\u00e7mas\u0131 da bunun bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Risaleyi anlamland\u0131rma s\u00fcrecinde tarihsel ba\u011flam(siyak ve sibak), iktidar ili\u015fkilerinden soyutlanamaz. Bu ili\u015fkiler a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda anlama s\u00fcrecimiz derinlik kazan\u0131r. Esasla tarihsel g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc birbirinden ay\u0131rt edebilir ve bu ili\u015fkinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 karakteri o zaman sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde sorgulayabiliriz.<\/p>\n

6. Kitab\u0131n\u0131zda sert bir cemaat ele\u015ftiriniz var. \u201cCemaat yap\u0131lar\u0131 h\u00fcrriyetin de\u011fil disiplinin, e\u015fitli\u011fin de\u011fil hiyerar\u015finin, farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n de\u011fil ayniyetin ve \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fin de\u011fil tecan\u00fcs\u00fcn h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu yap\u0131lard\u0131r. Cemaati yap\u0131lar iradeyi, muhakemeyi de\u011fil iltizam ve kabul\u00fc talep eder. diyorsunuz. \u0130laveten \u201cRisale kaynakl\u0131 bir tefekk\u00fcr ve tahass\u00fcs ikliminin \u0130slam d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine ve t\u00fcm insanl\u0131\u011fa mal edilmesi, onun cemaat odakl\u0131 dar ge\u00e7itlerden kurtar\u0131larak evrensel bir mana iklimine ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.\u201d diyorsunuz. \u00d6zetle Risale d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi i\u00e7in cemaatlere rol d\u00fc\u015fmez diyorsunuz. Bunun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir?<\/b><\/p>\n

Cemaatler dini sosyalle\u015fme ortamlar\u0131d\u0131r. Dini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin \u00fcretimine talip olduklar\u0131nda ortaya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce de\u011fil dogmatik kal\u0131plar \u00e7\u0131kar. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ferdi bir cehdin semeresidir ve isti\u015fare ile g\u00fc\u00e7 kazan\u0131r; serbestiyet ister, yanl\u0131\u015f yapma konforuna taliptir. Bu yanl\u0131\u015f da ki\u015fiseldir. Bir cemaat yanl\u0131\u015fa \u00f6zne oldu\u011funda ba\u011fl\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7in bu yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n hakim kabul haline gelme ihtimali artar. Bu da do\u011fruyla aram\u0131zdaki duvar\u0131 kal\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Cemaatler, dinin omurgas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan zaruriyat alan\u0131na odaklanarak, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman fertlerin imani ve ahlaki a\u00e7\u0131dan istikametli ve sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 ki\u015fili\u011fe sahip olmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in geli\u015ftirici ve koruyucu ortam ve imkanlar sa\u011flamakla yetinmelidir. \u00d6tesi hem onlar i\u00e7in, hem de hizmet etmeyi ama\u00e7lad\u0131klar\u0131 de\u011ferler i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tehdittir.<\/p>\n

7. \u201cRisale-i Nur’un art\u0131k \u2018irade edilme\u2019 d\u00fczeyinden \u2018akledilme\u2019 d\u00fczeyine ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekir.\u201d c\u00fcmlesi ile ne demek istiyorsunuz, a\u00e7ar m\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z?<\/b><\/p>\n

Akleden insan faildir; bizatihi kendisi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ve karar verir. \u0130rade edilme ki\u015finin m\u00fcnfail olu\u015funa ve izleyicili\u011fine g\u00f6nderme yapar. Risaleyi siz kendi anlama cehdiniz \u00fczerinden de\u011fil abi\/abla ya da muayyen bir cemaatin kabulleri \u00fczerinden yoruma tabi tutars\u0131n\u0131z. Oysa her insan\u0131n \u201c\u00e7oban\u201d olmas\u0131, herkesi kararlar\u0131ndan bizatihi sorumlu yapar. Risale d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi hayatiyetini akletme ile kazan\u0131r. Muhakeme buradan do\u011far. Tahkik buradan geli\u015fir. \u0130rade edilmeye dayal\u0131 ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imi taklidi iltizam\u0131 esas al\u0131r; s\u00fcrekli g\u00fcd\u00fclmeyle sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r. Ki\u015fi kolektif bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011funda varl\u0131k kazan\u0131r; onun d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yolunu bulamaz. Oysa Bedi\u00fczzaman \u201c\u0130slami ayd\u0131nlanma\u0131n\u201d \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr ve her durumda akl\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n cebine koyanlar\u0131n yar\u0131-insan oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. \u0130nsan\u0131 yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn halifesi yapan nitelik onun sorumluluk \u00fcstlenmesidir; bu da ferdi d\u00fczeyde akletme ile ifadesini bulur.<\/p>\n

\n

8. Bat\u0131 medeniyeti diye 11 Eyl\u00fcl sonras\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan atmosferde moral \u00e7o\u011fulculuk bir tarafa siyasi \u00e7o\u011fulculuk bile h\u00e2l\u00e2 uzak bir \u00fctopyad\u0131r diyorsunuz. Bunu “Avrupa ikidir” diyen Bedi\u00fczzaman perspektifinde okursak genelleyici bir c\u00fcmle olarak okumu\u015f ve \u2018ikinci Avrupa’ya topyekun Bat\u0131 diyerek haks\u0131zl\u0131k etmi\u015f olmuyor muyuz?<\/b><\/p>\n

Avrupa elbette ikidir. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n iftihar edebilece\u011fi teknik ve sosyo-politik geli\u015fmelere kaynakl\u0131k eden, ger\u00e7eklik aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcndeminde s\u00fcrekli tutan Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 yok sayamay\u0131z. Bununla birlikte kapitalist t\u00fcketim kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fcreselle\u015ftiren, ulus\u00e7uluk eksenli d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 esas alan, do\u011frudan ya da dolayl\u0131 olarak ekonomik s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran ve bu d\u00fcnyac\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ile insanlar\u0131 behimiyata sevkeden Bat\u0131, di\u011fer Avrupa \u00fczerinde hakim bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc veriyor.<\/p>\n

9. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de dinin bizatihi bir milliyet\u00e7ilik bi\u00e7imine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinden bahsediyorsunuz. Bu durum dinin davet\/tebli\u011f ve kapsama alan\u0131n\u0131 daralt\u0131rken hangi motivasyonla dindarlar b\u00f6yle bir yola tevess\u00fcl ediyor ?<\/b><\/p>\n

Dindarlar\u0131n iktidara ciddi bir zaaf\u0131 var. \u0130ktidar obsesyonu, dinin iktidarla ibka edilebilece\u011fi yan\u0131lsamas\u0131 \u00fczerinden kendini kabul ettirirken, iktidar koltu\u011fundaki \u201cdin\u201d, din olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karak bu kesimin d\u00fcnyevi taleplerinin z\u0131rh\u0131 haline geliyor. \u0130ktidar koltu\u011fundaki din hakikat kayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yitirerek yerle\u015fik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n sembolik koruyucusuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrken pop\u00fclizme teslim oluyor ve milliyet\u00e7ilik bunun bask\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerinden biri haline geliyor. \u0130ktidar\u0131n ba\u015ftan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, dini bir iktidar arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcrken, iktidar obsesyonu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde iktidar maslahatlar\u0131na teslim olmu\u015f bir din anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fcretiyor. Dinin y\u00f6neldi\u011fi temel ama\u00e7lar\u0131n yerini iktidar hamillerinin yerle\u015fik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 al\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

10. ‘Yerlilik ve millilik’ dinin milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesidir diyorsunuz. Bir de dindarlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu T\u00fcrkiye’de genellikle milliyet\u00e7idir diyorsunuz? Din ile milliyet\u00e7ilik birbiriyle \u00e7eli\u015fikken nas\u0131l biraraya gelebiliyor?<\/b><\/p>\n

Demokrasi vatanda\u015fl\u0131k \u00fczerinden e\u015fitli\u011fi vazederken milliyet\u00e7ilik etnik ayr\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 \u00f6nererek bir gerilim alan\u0131 \u00fcretti\u011fi gibi, din de inan\u00e7 de\u011ferleri \u00fczerinden bir evrensel karde\u015flik k\u00fcmesi vazederken milliyet\u00e7ilik bu dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 bir ulusla s\u0131n\u0131rlar. Sosyalizmin \u201ctek \u00fclkede sosyalizm\u201d mottosunda ifadesini buldu\u011fu \u015fekilde ulusalla\u015fmas\u0131 gibi, milliyet\u00e7ilik de \u00fclke b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve devletin devam\u0131 mottolar\u0131 \u00fczerinden dini s\u00f6yleme n\u00fcfuz ederek onu beka siyasetinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline getirir. Dindarlar bunun \u00fczerinden iktidarla olan danslar\u0131 i\u00e7in sek\u00fcler bir koruma alan\u0131 olu\u015ftururken, Samirinin alt\u0131n buza\u011f\u0131s\u0131na tapanlar gibi s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi verili durumun normal bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flarlar. Hakim sosyalle\u015fme bi\u00e7iminin dindar zihin seti \u00fczerindeki etkisi de burada a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Dindarlar\u0131n kamusal alandaki me\u015fruiyetlerini milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerinden kazanmalar\u0131 ve so\u011fuk sava\u015f d\u00f6nemindeki anti-kom\u00fcnizmin milliyet\u00e7i dindarl\u0131\u011fa yaslanmas\u0131 da, dindar zihin kodlar\u0131n\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i dille eklemlenmesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Buna akletme yerine irade etmeye dayal\u0131 pop\u00fclist itaat k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de ekledi\u011fimizde, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin bir iktidar matrisi olarak dindarlar\u0131 neden cezbetti\u011fini anlamam\u0131z kolayla\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

11. Siyasi faaliyet ne \u015feytan\u00ee ne melek\u00eedir sadece ‘insan\u00ee’dir diyorsunuz. Bunu Bedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131n “Siyaset efk\u00e2r\u0131n \u00e2leminde bir \u015feytand\u0131r isti\u00e2ze edilmelidir.” s\u00f6z\u00fc ba\u011flam\u0131nda nas\u0131l telif edersiniz?<\/b><\/p>\n

ABD\u2019nin kurucu babalar\u0131ndan James Madison, \u201cinsanlar melek de\u011fildir\u201d der. Bunun anlam\u0131 insanlar\u0131n zati olarak yanl\u0131\u015f yapmaya a\u00e7\u0131k olduklar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n d\u00fczeltilmesine imkan verecek mekanizmalara(denge ve denetleme) dayal\u0131 bir siyasi siyasi anlay\u0131\u015f ise hataya meyilli insani nitelik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6zetilerek geli\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. \u201cSiyaset efkar\u0131n aleminde bir \u015feytand\u0131r\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fcnde siyaset kavram\u0131 mutlak olarak kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; takyid edilmesi gerekir. Bu takyid, at\u0131fta bulunulan siyasetin, s\u00f6z\u00fcn s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi M\u00fctareke d\u00f6nemindeki saf partizanl\u0131\u011fa\/tarafgirli\u011fe dayal\u0131 \u0130stanbul siyasetini ifade etti\u011fi sonucuna g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr bizi. Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n, siyasetin partizan karakterinin bula\u015f\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u0130spanyol gribine benzetmesi de bunun bir di\u011fer g\u00f6stergesidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla burada kastedilen siyaset \u201cmutlak anlamda siyaseti de\u011fil tarafgirli\u011fe dayal\u0131 (pozisyonel) bir siyaset anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder.<\/p>\n

12. Kitab\u0131n\u0131z\u0131n muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Bedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131 yer yer “pozisyonel olarak muhafazak\u00e2rd\u0131r” diye tan\u0131ml\u0131yorsunuz yer yer de “Muhafazakarlar d\u00fczen, istikrar ve aidiyet i\u00e7in g\u00fcven ve belirli\u011fi \u00f6nemser, h\u00fcrriyete \u015f\u00fcpheyle yakla\u015f\u0131r. Bedi\u00fczzaman bu tema a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da muhafazak\u00e2r d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce gelene\u011finden radikal bi\u00e7imde ayr\u0131l\u0131r.” diyorsunuz. Oysa ikincisi \u00fczerinde Bedi\u00fczzaman tan\u0131mlamak daha do\u011fru geliyor. Zira h\u00fcrriyet ve ihlas hassasiyeti Bedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2r tutumdan her zaman uzak tutmu\u015ftur diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. Ne dersiniz?<\/b><\/p>\n

Tav\u0131r olarak muhafazakarl\u0131k ve de\u011fer olarak muhafazakarl\u0131k \u00fczerinden ifade etti\u011fim ayr\u0131\u015fma da, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zellikle aile konusunda muhafazakarl\u0131\u011fa yakla\u015f\u0131rken h\u00fcrriyet konusunda farkl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekiyorum. De\u011fi\u015fimi tedricilik \u00fczerinden okumas\u0131 onu tav\u0131r olarak muhafazakarl\u0131\u011fa yakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, insan iradesine ve failli\u011fine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vurgu onu uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla tav\u0131r ve de\u011fer eksenleri \u00fczerinden muhafazakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 akatgorize etti\u011fim i\u00e7in, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131 da bu eksenler \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirdim.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u201c\u0130ktidar koltu\u011fundaki din, din olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d 1. \u201cEski ve Yeni \u0130slamc\u0131lar Said Nursi’nin aktivizmine se\u00e7meci bir sempati beslediler; alim\/d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak ise Said Nursi onlar i\u00e7in hep ‘evdeki’ yabanc\u0131 oldu.\u201d diyorsunuz. Bu yabanc\u0131l\u0131k hi\u00e7 kimsenin ortada olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde Bedi\u00fczzaman’\u0131n cesurca konu\u015ftu\u011fu bilhassa Kemalist d\u00f6nemindeki \u0130slamc\u0131lar\u0131n suskunlu\u011funun getirdi\u011fi h\u0131n\u00e7 ve utan\u00e7tan kaynaklan\u0131yor olabilir mi? Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemindeki \u0130slami […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":84704,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[130],"class_list":["post-84703","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-soylesiler"],"yoast_head":"\nAhmet Y\u0131ld\u0131z ile s\u00f6yle\u015fi... - Karakalem<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemindeki \u0130slami duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u00f6klerine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131zda kar\u015f\u0131n\u0131za ilk \u00e7\u0131kan ki\u015fi Said Nursi\u2019dir. 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