19.07.2007<\/p>\n
BED\u0130\u00dcZZAMAN SA\u0130D Nurs\u00ee\u2019nin siyaset kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki duru\u015funa, \u00fczerinde \u00e7ok konu\u015fulagelmi\u015f olmakla birlikte, hak etti\u011fi entellekt\u00fcel dikkatin g\u00f6sterildi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek zor.<\/p>\n
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Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n Abd\u00fclhamid istibdad\u0131yla ba\u015flay\u0131p, II. Me\u015frutiyet, \u0130ttihad ve Terakki diktas\u0131, \u0130\u015fgal y\u0131llar\u0131, tek partili cumhuriyet, \u00e7ok partili demokrasi d\u00f6nemine kadar uzanan uzun hayat\u0131nda zaman\u0131 ve zemini de dikkate alarak sergiledi\u011fi duru\u015fun \u2018sabite\u2019lerini g\u00f6remeyen nazarlar i\u00e7in, siyaset kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki bu duru\u015f ancak \u2018konjonkt\u00fcr\u2019le a\u00e7\u0131klanabiliyor. Nitekim, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019la bir \u015fekilde miras ba\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131nda olan, ama her se\u00e7imde \u2018konjonkt\u00fcr\u2019e g\u00f6re tav\u0131r de\u011fi\u015ftiren olu\u015fumlar mevcut.<\/p>\n
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Oysa, bu uzun hayat\u0131 i\u00e7inde zaman ve zemin i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 siyas\u00ee duru\u015flar sergilemi\u015f g\u00f6z\u00fckmekle birlikte, onun hayat\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcnde bir \u2018ilkesel tutarl\u0131l\u0131k\u2019 kendisini g\u00f6z kama\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir surette belli ediyor.<\/p>\n
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\u0130kinci Me\u015frutiyet y\u0131llar\u0131nda siyasetin bilfiil i\u00e7inde g\u00f6z\u00fcken Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n daha esaret d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc siyasetle aras\u0131na mesafe koymas\u0131; tek parti d\u00f6neminde \u2018gazete okuyup radyo dinlemeden\u2019 ya\u015fayan ayn\u0131 Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n 50\u2019li y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ve d\u00fcnyada olan biten siyas\u00ee hadisat\u0131 takip etmesi ama bilfiil siyasetle i\u015ftigal etmemesi, dar bir zihnin \u2018konjonkt\u00fcr\u2019le a\u00e7\u0131klamaya yatk\u0131n oldu\u011fu bir durum olmakla birlikte, ger\u00e7ekte bir \u2018ilkesel\u2019 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn farkl\u0131 tezah\u00fcrleri niteli\u011finde.<\/p>\n
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Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn hayat\u0131 boyunca siyaset kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki duru\u015funa h\u00fckmeden bu \u2018ilkesel\u2019 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn ise, \u00fc\u00e7 sacaya\u011f\u0131 var: adalet-h\u00fcrriyet-me\u015fveret.<\/p>\n
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Eski Said\u2019in Muhakemat ve M\u00fcnazarat\u2019\u0131ndan Yeni Said\u2019in l\u00e2hika mektuplar\u0131na kadar, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n hayat\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131nda Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n duru\u015funu ve tercihini adalet-h\u00fcrriyet-me\u015fveret esas\u0131 \u00fczere belirledi\u011fini rahatl\u0131kla okuyoruz.<\/p>\n
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Adalet \u00fczere belirledi\u011fini okuyoruz; zira, \u2018adalet,\u2019 Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n ontolojik tasavvurunda merkez\u00ee bir yer i\u015fgal ediyor. Hak \u00fczere yarat\u0131lan bir k\u00e2inat \u00fczerinden Yarat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131ma \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n k\u00e2inat H\u00e2l\u0131k\u0131n\u0131n esma-i h\u00fcsn\u00e2s\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u2018ism-i \u00e2zam\u2019 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir ismin ism-i Adl oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekmek, onun \u2018adalet\u2019 \u00fczerindeki hassasiyetini i\u015faretlemek i\u00e7in herhalde yeterlidir. Ama dahas\u0131 da var. Bedi\u00fczzaman, \u00e2lemler Rabbinin Kur\u2019\u00e2n\u2019\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6rt esas\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131ralarken de, \u2018tevhid, ha\u015fir ve n\u00fcb\u00fcvvet\u2019ten sonra, \u2018adalet\u2019i zikrediyor; ve \u2018ibadet\u2019i de \u2018adalet\u2019in bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendiriyor. Adalet, hak sahibine hakk\u0131n\u0131 vermek ise e\u011fer, \u00e2lemler Rabbinin hakk\u0131, m\u00fclk\u00fcnde \u015feriki olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re (tevhid), yaln\u0131z ve ancak O\u2019na kulluk etmektir. O\u2019na ibadet etmemek de, O\u2019ndan ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00e2bud ittihaz etmek de adalet ilkesini \u00e7i\u011fnemektir. Yine bu adalet s\u0131rr\u0131d\u0131r ki, m\u00fc\u2019minin \u015fu d\u00fcnyadaki varolu\u015funu \u2018emrolundu\u011fu gibi dosdo\u011fru\u2019 olarak (bkz. H\u00fbd s\u00fbresi, \u2018adil \u015fahitler\u2019 olarak (bkz. Maide s\u00fbresi) ya\u015famas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirmektedir. Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n \u0130sl\u00e2m tarihine dair okumalar\u0131nda vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 en temel ilkenin, Hz. Ali\u2019nin ictihad\u0131 dahilinde \u2018adalet-i mahz\u00e2\u2019 ilkesi olmas\u0131; Emev\u00eelere bak\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan milliyet\u00e7ilik gibi ak\u0131mlara dair de\u011ferlendirmesine kadar pek \u00e7ok noktada \u2018adalet-i mahz\u00e2\u2019 temelinde bir tahlil sunmas\u0131, bu a\u00e7\u0131dan yerinde ve anlaml\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n \u2018adalet\u2019le birlikte \u0131srarla \u00fczerinde durdu\u011fu ikinci ilke, \u2018h\u00fcrriyet\u2019tir. Pe\u015finen belirtelim, arzulara gem vurulmamas\u0131 anlam\u0131nda hayvan\u00ee bir \u2018serbesti\u2019 de\u011fil, iradelerin ihtiyar\u0131na, yani se\u00e7me \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ket vurulmamas\u0131 anlam\u0131nda bir \u2018h\u00fcrriyet.\u2019 Bedi\u00fczzaman daha M\u00fcnazarat\u2019\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak, \u2018h\u00fcrriyet\u2019i en temel insani-\u0130sl\u00e2m\u00ee de\u011fer olarak \u0131srarla vurgular. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, insan f\u0131traten c\u00e2mi\u2019dir, bir ferd iken bir \u2018k\u00fcll\u2019 h\u00fckm\u00fcndedir; b\u00fct\u00fcn mahlukat\u0131n etti\u011fi tahiyyat ve tesbihat\u0131 bir \u2018abd-i k\u00fcll\u00ee\u2019 ve bir \u2018halife-i arz\u2019 olarak tek ba\u015f\u0131na temsil edebilir bir istidaddad\u0131r. Bu istidad\u0131n inki\u015faf\u0131 ise, ancak h\u00fcrriyet iledir. Hem, adalet de h\u00fcrriyeti iktiza eder. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, ancak irade h\u00fcrriyeti iledir ki, insan yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tercihlerden dolay\u0131 sorumluluk alarak, \u00c2dil-i Hak\u00eem\u2019in ya m\u00fck\u00e2fat veya m\u00fccazat\u0131na m\u00fcstahak olur. Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n Yirmid\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc S\u00f6z ve Otuzbirinci S\u00f6z gibi iki \u2018k\u00f6k risale\u2019de dahi iradenin h\u00fcrriyetine dikkat \u00e7ekip Cenab-\u0131 Hakk\u0131n mucizeleri dahi \u2018akla kap\u0131 a\u00e7ar, ihtiyar\u0131 elinden almaz\u2019 surette yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlatmas\u0131, bu noktada son derece manidard\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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Ve nas\u0131l adalet h\u00fcrriyeti gerektiriyor ise, c\u00fcz\u2019\u00ee iradelerin h\u00fcrriyeti de \u2018me\u015fveret\u2019i gerektirir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, ancak me\u015fveret ile insan c\u00fcz\u2019\u00ee iradesini mutlakla\u015ft\u0131rma tehlikesinden ve zincirinden bo\u015fanm\u0131\u015f bir \u2018serbesti\u2019yi \u2018h\u00fcrriyet\u2019 zannetme yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131ndan kendisini korur. H\u00fcr ama c\u00fcz\u2019\u00ee iradelerin tek ba\u015f\u0131na do\u011fruyu en do\u011fru \u015fekilde tesbit etme imk\u00e2n\u0131, h\u00fcr ama c\u00fcz\u2019i iradelerin birli\u011fine g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha zordur. C\u00fcz\u2019\u00ee iradelerin biraraya gelmesini sa\u011flayan me\u015fveret ile, insan \u00e7ok renkleri ve \u00e7ok ve\u00e7heleri olan hakikati bir\u00e7ok y\u00f6n\u00fcyle kavrama imk\u00e2n\u0131na kavu\u015fur ve hakikati sadece kendi g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve\u00e7he ve renkten ibaret zannetme riskinden uzak durur. Kur\u2019\u00e2n\u2019\u0131n m\u00fc\u2019minlere me\u015fverete emretmesi ve hadislerin \u2018\u00dcmmetim dal\u00e2let \u00fczere ittifak etmez\u201d diye m\u00fcjdelemesi, i\u015fte bu s\u0131rdand\u0131r.<\/p>\n
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Birbiriyle i\u00e7i\u00e7e girmi\u015f, f\u0131trat\u0131n derinlerine n\u00fcfuz etmi\u015f, Kur\u2019\u00e2n\u00ee ve nebev\u00ee referanslar\u0131 apa\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6z\u00fcken bu \u00fc\u00e7 temel de\u011fer, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n hayat\u0131n\u0131n her d\u00f6neminde \u015fahs\u00ee, cemaat\u00ee, i\u00e7timahi ve siyas\u00ee hayatlarda arad\u0131\u011f\u0131 en temel de\u011ferler olagelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
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Onun dar veya zahir\u00ee nazarlar\u0131n anlayamay\u0131p h\u00e2l\u00e2 daha tenkit elini uzatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir\u00e7ok tavr\u0131n\u0131, bu \u00fc\u00e7 temel ilke belirler. <\/p>\n
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Mesel\u00e2, kendisini \u2018\u015feriat nam\u0131na istibdada mecbur\u2019 zanneden bir dindar padi\u015fah olarak Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda dururken, i\u00e7inde l\u00e2din\u00eeler veya dinde l\u00e2kayd isimler bar\u0131nd\u0131ran \u0130ttihad ve Terakki\u2019yle bir olup \u2018h\u00fcrriyet,\u2019 \u2018me\u015fveret\u2019 ve \u2018kanunda inhisar-\u0131 kuvvet\u2019 temelinde Me\u015frutiyet m\u00fccadelesi vermesi, bu sebeptendir.<\/p>\n
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\u0130radelerin se\u00e7me \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn elinden al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131, hakl\u0131 ve hakik\u00ee me\u015fveret ilkesinin \u2018yan\u0131lmaz ebed\u00ee \u015fef\u2019in ellerine teslim edildi\u011fi adaletin milliyet\u00e7i-devlet\u00e7i bir zihniyetle \u00e7i\u011fnendi\u011fi tek parti d\u00f6neminde siyasetten b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn uzak duru\u015fu, bu sebeptendir.<\/p>\n
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\u00c7ok partili d\u00f6nemde, tek parti zihniyetinin m\u00fcmessillerine kar\u015f\u0131 ve daha fazla say\u0131da \u2018mukaddesat\u00e7\u0131\u2019 insan bar\u0131nd\u0131ran Millet Partisi\u2019ne kar\u015f\u0131 Demokrat Parti\u2019ye destek vermesi de bu sebeptendir. (Ama kay\u0131ts\u0131z-\u015farts\u0131z de\u011fil. K\u0131r\u015fehir\u2019i DP\u2019ye oy vermedi diye \u2018il\u00e7e\u2019 yapmak suretiyle cezaland\u0131rma kabilinden \u2018adaletsiz\u2019 te\u015febb\u00fcslere kar\u015f\u0131 adaletin gere\u011fini hat\u0131rlatmay\u0131 da ihmal etmeden.)<\/p>\n
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Hayat\u0131 boyunca istibdada kar\u015f\u0131 h\u00fcrriyeti, \u2018rey-i vahid\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 me\u015fvereti destekleyen, \u2018kamu yarar\u0131\u2019na kar\u015f\u0131 \u2018adalet\u2019i destekleyen ve bu sebepten me\u015frutiyet-cumhuriyet-demokrasi \u00e7izgisine \u2018\u0130sl\u00e2m nam\u0131na\u2019 sahip \u00e7\u0131kan Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n, \u00e7ok-partili d\u00f6nemde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018d\u00f6rt e\u011filim\u2019 analizi ise, bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem arzediyor.<\/p>\n
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Bu analizden anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin o g\u00fcnlerdeki (ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc) \u015fartlar\u0131nda varolan siyas\u00ee e\u011filimleri d\u00f6rt ba\u015fl\u0131kta \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn:<\/p>\n
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Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n bu d\u00f6rt e\u011filime dair de\u011ferlendirmelerine dikkatle bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, adalet-h\u00fcrriyet-me\u015fveret temel kriterinin burada da belirleyici oldu\u011fu kolayca g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
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Birinci e\u011filime taraftar olunmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6z\u00fcnde hem h\u00fcrriyetin, hem me\u015fveretin, hem adaletin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bask\u0131c\u0131, hegemonik, kay\u0131rmac\u0131 ve devlet\u00e7i-milliyet\u00e7i bir zihniyetle \u2018kamu yarar\u0131\u2019 ad\u0131na \u015fiddete ba\u015fvurmaktan \u00e7ekinmeyen bir duru\u015fa sahip oldu\u011funu hem tek parti d\u00f6nemi boyunca isbatlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; hem de \u00e7ok partili demokrasiye vurulan asker\u00ee darbelerin siyas\u00ee k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na soyunmak yoluyla.<\/p>\n
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\u0130kinci e\u011filime taraftar olunmas\u0131 da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc milliyet\u00e7i bir nazar, en ba\u015fta, adalet edemez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, \u201cunsuriyetperver bir h\u00e2kim, kendi milletda\u015f\u0131n\u0131 tercih eder, adalet edemez.\u201d Yine bu zihniyet, devlet\u00e7i-milliyet\u00e7i refleksleriyle, h\u00fcrriyet ve me\u015fverete kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcstebid bir zihniyete yak\u0131n durur.<\/p>\n
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\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc e\u011filime de destek verilemez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, din, umumun \u2018m\u00e2l-i m\u00fc\u015fterek\u2019idir; hangi partiden olursa olsun, herkes Kur\u2019\u00e2n\u00ee davetin kapsama alan\u0131 i\u00e7indedir. Dini bir partinin bagaj\u0131na hapseden bir anlay\u0131\u015f, en ba\u015fta dine kar\u015f\u0131 bir haks\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, dini temsil misyonunu bir partiye hasreden anlay\u0131\u015f, \u00f6z\u00fc itibar\u0131yla h\u00fcrriyet ve me\u015fveret d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131r. Zira, bir partiye, daha do\u011frusu onun liderine y\u00f6nelik bir itiraz\u0131 otomatikman dine itiraz olarak yorumlama, dini tekeline alarak dinin \u00fczerinde titredi\u011fi h\u00fcrriyet ve me\u015fveret hakikatini ketmetme istidad\u0131ndad\u0131r. (Din nam\u0131na yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, se\u00e7imleri \u2018M\u00fcsl\u00fcman say\u0131m\u0131\u2019 olarak g\u00f6renlerin, kendisine de\u011fil de siyas\u00ee muhalifine verilen oyu \u2018Cehenneme g\u00f6t\u00fcren bilet\u2019 olarak yorumlayanlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m.)<\/p>\n
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\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc-demokrat siyasal e\u011filime gelince:<\/p>\n
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Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n zaman\u0131nda bu d\u00f6rt e\u011filimin tarifini yapmak da, bu tarifi partilere uygulamak da kolayd\u0131. Ama 1960\u2019dan bug\u00fcne T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi istihaleler, bu meyanda siyaset sahnesinde ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fimler, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler, eksen kaymalar\u0131, kendisini \u2018Demokrat misyon\u2019un temsilcisi olarak tan\u0131mlayanlar\u0131 otomatikman Demokrat misyonun temsilcisi olarak g\u00f6rmenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde apa\u00e7\u0131k bir engel olarak duruyor.<\/p>\n
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Gelin g\u00f6r\u00fcn ki, \u00e2deta bir hanedan-saltanat zihniyeti i\u00e7erisinde, bir \u2018Demokrat misyon hanedan\u0131\u2019 vehmeden ve Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n bu noktadaki analizini \u2018g\u00f6z\u00fc kapal\u0131\u2019 uygulayan ki\u015fi ve kesimlere rastlan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n
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Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, vaktiyle bu d\u00f6rt e\u011filimden ilk \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnde i\u015ftigal eylemi\u015f kimse, kendisini \u2018Demokrat Partinin devam\u0131\u2019 olarak tarif eden partiye girince otomatikman \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve demokrat oluyor. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, bu partiye dehalet etmeden \u2018demokratl\u0131k\u2019 iddia eden hi\u00e7 kimse asla \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc\u2019 ve \u2018demokrat\u2019 olam\u0131yor!<\/p>\n
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Kendi nam\u0131ma, siyasete dair bak\u0131\u015f\u0131mda, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n bu d\u00f6rt e\u011filim analizini hep \u00f6nemli buldum, oy tercihlerimi hep buna g\u00f6re yapt\u0131m. Ama icraat\u0131 ne durumda olursa olsun \u2018Demokrat Parti\u2019nin devam\u0131y\u0131m\u2019 diyeni demokrat g\u00f6ren, s\u00f6ylemi ve eylemiyle kendisini demokrasi-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck-adalet \u00e7izgisiyle tan\u0131mlayan sair siyas\u00ee olu\u015fumlar\u0131 ise bu \u00e7izginin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda g\u00f6rmeye\/g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan inhisarc\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015fa da raz\u0131 olmad\u0131m, olam\u0131yorum.<\/p>\n
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Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, 2002 y\u0131l\u0131nda oy verme tercihimi belirlerken, s\u00f6ylemi ile \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc-demokrat \u00e7izgide duraca\u011f\u0131 teminat\u0131n\u0131 veren Ak Parti\u2019ye bu d\u00f6rt e\u011filim analizi dahilinde ve yine Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n \u2018ehven-i \u015fer\u2019 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc mucibince oyumu vermekle birlikte, bu s\u00f6ylemiyle eyleminin \u00e7eli\u015fti\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmde bir sonraki se\u00e7imde oyumu ayn\u0131 partiden esirgeme kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla oyumu verdim.<\/p>\n
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Bunu yaparken, Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n bu d\u00f6rt siyasal e\u011filim analizi noktas\u0131nda teoride ortakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ama pratikte bu \u2018teori\u2019yi ba\u015fka partiye uygulayan Risale ehline de sayg\u0131 duydu\u011fumu belirttim.<\/p>\n
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Benim g\u00f6z\u00fcmde, 2002 se\u00e7imlerinde Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n \u2018d\u00f6rt e\u011filim\u2019 ve \u2018ehven-i \u015fer\u2019 tahlinine dayanarak DYP, ANAP, LDP veya Ak Parti\u2019ye oy veren Risale m\u00fcntesibi aras\u0131ndaki fark, \u2018\u00f6zde\u2019 de\u011fil, \u2018uygulamada\u2019 bir farktan ibaret olageldi.<\/p>\n
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Bug\u00fcn ise, ortada bu \u2018fark\u2019tan fazlas\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n
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Zira, yeni kurulmu\u015f bir parti olarak d\u00fcn \u2018s\u00f6ylem\u2019iyle de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fimiz Ak Parti\u2019yi, bug\u00fcn \u2018eylem\u2019iyle de de\u011ferlendirebilir durumday\u0131z.<\/p>\n
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Kendi nam\u0131ma, ana \u00e7izgi itibar\u0131yla Ak Parti\u2019nin \u2018s\u00f6ylem-eylem tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131 korudu\u011fu kanaatine sahip oldu\u011fum i\u00e7in, oyumu gene bu partiye verece\u011fim.<\/p>\n
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\u00d6te yandan, 27 Nisan gecesi demokrasiye m\u00fcdahalede bulunulurken, demokrasi ad\u0131na bir duru\u015f sergileyemeyip demokrasi-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin etkisi alt\u0131nda siyaset yapan DYP\u2019nin kendisini \u2018Demokrat misyon\u2019la tan\u0131mlama hakk\u0131n\u0131 tamamen yitirdi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n
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Ve esasen, DYP\u2019nin bu \u00f6zelli\u011fini \u2018devlet ad\u0131na\u2019 illegal olu\u015fumlar ve Susurluk ile \u015f\u00f6hret\u015fiar olan ama bu noktada bir \u2018tevbe\u2019sine \u015fahit olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Mehmet A\u011far\u2019\u0131n genel ba\u015fkan olmas\u0131yla birlikte yitirdi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n
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Di\u011fer partilerin durumu zaten m\u00e2l\u00fbm. Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n d\u00f6rt e\u011filim analizi dahilinde din-kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 siyasal e\u011filimlerin, milliyet\u00e7i-devlet\u00e7i siyasal e\u011filimlerin, s\u00f6z\u00fcmona \u2018din ad\u0131na\u2019 ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p dini temsil misyonunu kendi partisinin inhisar\u0131na alarak dine ve dindara zarar veren siyasal e\u011filimlerin temsilcileri hayat\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n hi\u00e7bir diliminde benden oy alamad\u0131lar, bundan sonra da alamayacaklar.<\/p>\n
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Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiyesi\u2019nde \u201cKime oy vermeli?\u201d sorusuna Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n hayat\u0131 ve eseri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde benim verdi\u011fim cevap bu…<\/p>\n
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Payla\u015fay\u0131m istedim.<\/p>\n
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\u00a9\u00a02021 karakalem.net, Metin Karaba\u015fo\u011flu<\/p>\n
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\/kitap.asp?book=172<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
19.07.2007 BED\u0130\u00dcZZAMAN SA\u0130D Nurs\u00ee\u2019nin siyaset kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki duru\u015funa, \u00fczerinde \u00e7ok konu\u015fulagelmi\u015f olmakla birlikte, hak etti\u011fi entellekt\u00fcel dikkatin g\u00f6sterildi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek zor. Bedi\u00fczzaman\u2019\u0131n Abd\u00fclhamid istibdad\u0131yla ba\u015flay\u0131p, II. Me\u015frutiyet, \u0130ttihad ve Terakki diktas\u0131, \u0130\u015fgal y\u0131llar\u0131, tek partili cumhuriyet, \u00e7ok partili demokrasi d\u00f6nemine kadar uzanan uzun hayat\u0131nda zaman\u0131 ve zemini de dikkate alarak sergiledi\u011fi duru\u015fun \u2018sabite\u2019lerini g\u00f6remeyen nazarlar i\u00e7in, siyaset […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[132],"class_list":["post-83362","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-yazarlar"],"yoast_head":"\n